{"id":147474,"date":"2026-03-11T13:13:10","date_gmt":"2026-03-11T13:13:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/caus.org.lb\/?p=147474"},"modified":"2026-03-11T13:20:15","modified_gmt":"2026-03-11T13:20:15","slug":"interview-with-chris-gilbert-venezuelas-bolivarian-revolution-as-part-of-the-worldwide-struggle-against-us-imperialism","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/caus.org.lb\/en\/interview-with-chris-gilbert-venezuelas-bolivarian-revolution-as-part-of-the-worldwide-struggle-against-us-imperialism\/","title":{"rendered":"Interview with Chris Gilbert:  Venezuela\u2019s Bolivarian Revolution as Part of\u00a0the Worldwide Struggle against US Imperialism"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em>On January 3 of this year, the United States carried out an act of military aggression against Venezuela that included the bombing of the capital, Caracas, and the kidnapping of President Nicol\u00e1s Maduro and his wife, national assembly member Cilia Flores. Despite the significance of this event, viewing it in isolation from the broader regional history undoubtedly leads to a distorted understanding. For this reason, it is necessary to begin with a wider analysis of the current historical period in Latin America, more than two decades after the rise of leftist and progressive forces in many countries of the southern continent, with Venezuela at the forefront. Where do these forces stand today? Do they still represent a living link in the global struggle against capitalism and imperialism? How has the Bolivarian Revolution navigated its difficult path to achieve successive gains? Where does it stand now in light of recent developments, and where is it heading? How can the peoples of South America resist U.S. imperialism today amid this ongoing and dangerous escalation? These questions become even more pressing in light of major transformations underway in the world system: the rise of new Eurasian powers, the intensification of hybrid wars, sanctions, and blockades, the escalating imperialist and Zionist war against Palestine, Arab resistance movements, and Iran, and the continued militarization of the Caribbean and the Western Hemisphere.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>In this interview, Marxist theorist and militant <strong>Chris Gilbert<a href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\">[1]<\/a><\/strong>, who has been involved in the Bolivarian Revolution for two decades, offers an analytical reading that situates the recent escalation within the broader history of confrontation between Venezuela and U.S. hegemony, and examines its implications for the country and the region. He also discusses the Venezuelan communes as one of the most significant expressions of popular power and a practical attempt to build a socialist alternative, along with the possibilities and questions this experience opens up for other societies, including our Arab and Islamic societies. <strong>Gilbert<\/strong> is a professor at the Bolivarian University of Venezuela in Caracas and a contributing editor at\u00a0<strong>Monthly Review<\/strong>. He is the author of numerous articles and books, most notably\u00a0<strong>Commune or Nothing! Venezuela\u2019s Communal Movement and Its Socialist Project\u00a0<\/strong>(2023), and has also conducted extensive field research on the transition to socialism and the communes in Venezuela.<\/em><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>On January 3 of this year, the United States carried out a heinous nighttime attack on Venezuela that included the bombing of Caracas and the surrounding area and the kidnapping of its president. We will discuss this attack and the response to it more fully later in the interview. However, let\u2019s begin with a wider historical perspective on Latin America and specifically its epoch of progressive victories that is sometimes called the Pink Tide. That term denotes the wave of leftist governments in many Latin American countries that reordered state priorities toward social justice and national sovereignty\u2014by expanding social protection, reclaiming certain public resources, and building mechanisms of regional integration. What is your understanding of the Pink Tide? How, in practical terms, does it function as a link in the chain of struggle against capitalism and imperialism? What do the recent attacks mean for this epoch of change?<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>The mass media does in quotidian fashion what postmodern theory did in its books: <em>destroy historical understanding<\/em>. It does so partly by focusing on allegedly singular and special \u201cevents\u201d\u2014that is, semi-messianic occurrences that supposedly mark a sharp \u201cbefore and after,\u201d a complete rupture from what came before. In that spirit, what occurred on January 3 in Venezuela is systematically presented in the mass media as \u201can event\u201d without much historical context. This results in a great deal of confusion, including on the part of the Left. So, \u00a0your idea of directing the discussion first to the recent history of Latin America and asking about the context of the Pink Tide is relevant and even essential.<\/p>\n<p>From the present, and in light of the attacks, I think it is important to look at the historical parameters of struggle in Latin America in the period following the fall of the Soviet Union. The 1990s were a period in which the US enjoyed new levels of hegemony in the region. As evidence of their weakness, many of the counter-hegemonic movements in the 1990s in our continent explicitly turned away from the question of state power and focused instead on \u201csocial issues.\u201d\u00a0 Hence, there emerged a new focus of struggle: the \u201csocial movement,\u201d which dominated much of the 1990s. It was called \u201cmovimentismo<a href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\">[2]<\/a>,\u201d and expressed itself collectively in such spaces as the World Social Forum.<\/p>\n<p>In Venezuela, at the dawn of the new century, Hugo Ch\u00e1vez took the struggle a step further in a groundbreaking way, demonstrating that it was possible, in Latin America, for popular left forces to take state power through mass mobilization and elections. This, in some sense, marked the birth of the wave of so-called Pink Tide governments, which could be described as the social forces of the 1990s entering or reentering power in countries such as Argentina, Venezuela, Ecuador, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Brazil, Honduras, Chile, Uruguay, and Paraguay by democratic and electoral means. In power, the Pink Tide governments exercised sovereignty over resources, expanded social programs, and sometimes took steps toward socialism. At the same time, the new progressive governments carried forward many of the participative forms that had developed from their origins in the social movements of the 1990s, with an emphasis on popular power and grassroots democracy in their practices of governance.<\/p>\n<p>The United States, since it is the epicenter of global and the enemy of all peoples seeking self-determination, naturally began to move against such efforts. It used various methods. Sometimes it fostered old-style coup d\u2019etats based on police and military forces. These could be unsuccessful (Venezuela 2002, 2019) or successful (Honduras 2009, Bolivia 2019). However, it also employed a relatively new parliamentary-lawfare kind of coup d\u2019etat (Brazil, Paraguay, Peru). Additionally, it did not hesitate to apply unilateral coercive measures, or so-called sanctions. Even so, throughout this period, US strategy generally moved within the parameters of recognizing Latin American states as having some degree of (albeit limited) sovereignty. This meant that, with the exception of Colombia and Haiti, the U.S. mostly eschewed direct military intervention. Therefore, after the invasion of Panama in 1989 and excluding the US\u2019s kidnapping of Haiti\u2019s president Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 2004, the coups that it carried out were done without overt US military intervention and were, at least on the surface, about putting in power endogenous forces more favorable to US interests. This overall imperialist modus operandi as a form of regional control reflected the US\u2019s condition as the more or less unquestioned hegemon of the western hemisphere. Conversely, because of the relative absence of direct military intervention (except in Colombia, where the US continued to fund a state-led war against the Colombian people, and in Haiti, where it was masked as \u201chumanitarian\u201d or \u201csecurity\u201d assistance), the idea of armed anti-imperialist struggle was also more or less out of the picture.<\/p>\n<p>Now, in the past year or so, this overall situation, which was the historical condition of the Pink Tide\u2019s emergence, has changed significantly. With the US clearly losing global hegemony and perceiving threats even to its regional hegemony, it now pursues more risky and direct interventions. These include: the overt blackmail of Argentinian voters last October to influence the legislative elections; the multi-level intervention in the 2025 Honduran presidential elections; the new and unprecedented tightening of the cruel blockade on Cuba (itself essentially an act of war); the repeated threats of military intervention in Mexico and Colombia, and the January 3 bombing of Caracas followed by the kidnapping of President Maduro. With these actions that amount to an explicit and often military trampling of national sovereignty, it is almost inevitable that the Latin American countries will also have to prepare for military struggle\u2014armed struggle of some kind\u2014against US imperialism in a new way to defend themselves against this more erratic, direct, and dangerous form of imperialist intervention.<\/p>\n<p>All this is to say that as the epoch of uncontested US hegemony comes to a close,\u00a0\u00a0 its project of hemispheric domination has become more explicitly aggressive. In the medium or long term, countries and peoples of the region will have to re-learn and re-invent forms of armed struggle against US imperialism to both defend themselves from the US and also to take advantage of its decadence. Here, there are important opportunities to learn from the glorious tradition of West Asian resistance to imperialism and Zionism, such as the struggles now being carried out by Hamas, Hizbollah, and Ansar Allah, as well as by the Islamic Republic of Iran. I think that the need to prepare more fully for armed struggle against imperialism in Latin America will remain even if the fascist-MAGA forces that now rule in the US were to be removed from power through impeachment or in the next election. My reason for saying that is that the current shift in imperialist strategy responds to the needs of a decadent imperialist system. That means that the Democratic Party would henceforth apply similarly direct and aggressive forms of intervention.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Venezuela, of course, appears to be a unique case in the Latin American continent. How would you describe the Bolivarian experience in Venezuela\u2014from Ch\u00e1vez to Maduro\u2014and in your view, has it, over more than two decades, managed to overcome some of the problems of building socialism that other countries have faced?<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>In the heyday of the Pink Tide described above, with relatively fewer direct US military interventions and the at least nominal respect for Latin American nations\u2019 sovereignty that defined the epoch, Venezuela indeed became a vanguard of progressive forces. However, Venezuela\u2019s condition of being in the vanguard of change during this period never meant that it did not need the support of other countries and peoples in the region. In a general sense, any meaningful construction of an alternative in Latin America will have a regional character. The more diversified economies of Brazil, Argentina, and Mexico; the power, discipline, and communal vision of the continent\u2019s Indigenous movements, and the scientific, educational, and cultural development of Cuba and the Caribbean more generally, are all important components of the Latin American revolution. All of these strengths need to come together in a process of regional integration that respects the diversity of our peoples and their cultural traditions. I might add that our region\u2019s proximity to the center of imperialism\u2014whose attempts to convert it into a \u201cbackyard\u201d has resulted in important, hard-earned learning processes\u2014assigns it a special role in the world anti-imperialist revolution.<\/p>\n<p>In our continent, socialism has been a longstanding aspiration. The ideas of the October Revolution and before that those of the Paris communards, were seized upon by the Latin American people. Communism is a living tradition\u2014<em>theory is gray<\/em>, Goethe said, <em>but green is the tree of life<\/em>\u2014and communism must be understood in the latter sense: as a living project. Here in Venezuela, as in much of Latin America, Indigenous and African belief systems and the emancipatory elements of Christianity have made communism stronger and ironically more orthodox than it would have been otherwise, and possibly more than it has been elsewhere in the world. There is no shortage of Latin Americans who consider Marx, Engels, and Lenin as the family gods<a href=\"#_ftn3\" name=\"_ftnref3\">[3]<\/a>, as Latin American forefathers! While some might consider Latin America\u2019s messianic attitude toward communism to be a weakness\u2014and no doubt it has contributed to left-errors and overreach\u2014it can also be a strength, if it is combined with what Marta Harnecker called a \u201cpedagogy of limitations<a href=\"#_ftn4\" name=\"_ftnref4\">[4]<\/a>\u201d and a sober assessment that those very ambitious and profound communist aspirations need to have a material base, which may be long in construction.<\/p>\n<p>The Venezuelan revolutionary experience contains many lessons for socialists in other parts of the world. One important lesson that has been learned in Venezuela is that the project of socialist construction requires a dialectical but complementary relation between transformed state power\u2014state power that has had a revolutionary command center introduced into it\u2014and processes of grassroots construction. It is in the second area, the grassroots, that a new social metabolism<a href=\"#_ftn5\" name=\"_ftnref5\">[5]<\/a> can be developed, though always under the tutelage and coordination of a strong state, which is needed both to foster grassroots transformations and to protect the country by organizing the defense against imperialist aggression. The state must also take charge of the heavier side of industrialization and technological progress that is necessary for sovereignty but, of course, is beyond the capacities of the communities.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>In your reading of Karl Marx, the \u201calternative\u201d to capitalism is not reducible to nationalizations or an expanded welfare state, but to a shift in the logic of value\u2014from a commodified and marketized \u201cexchange value\u201d to a direct \u201cuse value\u201d\u2014alongside a reorganization of production, consumption, politics, governance, and planning, all at the grassroots level, grounded in cooperative productive institutions that are self-managed by members of the local community. If we translate that today\u2014as it appears in your writings and fieldwork\u2014into a concrete institutional and economic design at the levels of ownership, distribution, and political administration, it seems to us that Venezuela\u2019s anti-imperialist socialist communes, supported by the state, have already come a long way. In your view, how can we define the Venezuelan commune? What are its strengths and its problems? And how can commune members ensure a complete exit from market society and capitalist exchange within a regional and international environment that is capitalist, imperialist, and hostile?<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>No revolutionary process\u2014or rather, no <em>successful<\/em> revolutionary process\u2014is linear. A truly revolutionary moment, which is what existed here in Venezuela at the beginning of the 21st century, by definition mobilizes the mass of people and therefore unleashes their most profound aspirations for all-around emancipation. This represents what we could call the \u201cutopian\u201d moment of a revolution. It certainly occurred here in Venezuela. I experienced it in full force when I arrived in the country 20 years ago: it was a moment of euphoria, and there was often the sense that everything belonged to everyone, even internationally. A slogan that appeared on state-run shops, billboards, and t-shirts was \u201cVenezuela es de todos\u201d (Venezuela is everybody\u2019s), and it was meant honestly, with foreigners and visitors being included among the \u201ctodos.\u201d One felt\u2014conditioned partly, of course, by the commodity supercycle<a href=\"#_ftn6\" name=\"_ftnref6\">[6]<\/a> that was occurring at the time\u2014that the world of universal abundance was just around the corner.<\/p>\n<p>The subsequent trajectory of the revolution has involved negotiating between, on the one hand, these very ambitious aspirations\u2014a maximalist project that is essentially communist\u2014and, on the other hand, the real-world obstacles and pressures that the revolution faces, including the pressing needs for technological development and defense, and the necessary alliances and compromises that must be made. One of the paradoxes and tensions in every revolution carried out in a world dominated by US imperialism is that you proclaim total emancipation, a world free from oppression and exploitation, overcoming gender oppression and racial oppression, and you announce the goal of establishing a harmonious relation to nature, but your daily work will be to build an effective army and make very pragmatic decisions and compromises. Good revolutionary leadership, which Venezuela has had in President Ch\u00e1vez, President Maduro, and now has in acting President Delcy Rodr\u00edguez, is about managing this situation, never losing sight of both poles of it: the utopian-strategic and the practical. I think that so far it has been done very well, though of course in ways that are necessarily going to be imperfect and uneven.<\/p>\n<p>The Venezuelan socialist commune certainly belongs to the most ambitious and maximalist side of this equation\u2014it expresses the desire to overcome the world of exploitation and all oppressions. Its immediate history is in the project of building socialism that Ch\u00e1vez declared in 2006, then tried to legislate in 2007 with the unsuccessful constitutional reform, and then finally found a different approach, the commune, in 2009. However, it should be noted that at the same time as Ch\u00e1vez pursued this very radical, very ambitious project, he was also doing more pragmatic \u201cdevelopmentalist\u201d projects\u2014such as the Orinoco Belt heavy-oil project, which involved extensive international participation\u2014and large-scale welfare programs like the Great Venezuelan Housing Mission. So, the pursuit of the \u201cutopian\u201d and strategic goal was always combined with hard-headed realism. Ch\u00e1vez, Maduro, and the people have tried\u2014and continue trying\u2014to \u201ctake the sky by storm,\u201d as Marx said of the Paris Communards, but they have always kept their feet firmly on the ground. I think that is what it means to be a revolutionary, not merely a romantic \u201cbeautiful soul\u201d (to use Hegel\u2019s term).<\/p>\n<p>It should be pointed out that the tension involved in negotiating between the most ambitious, socialist side of the Bolivarian Revolution, on the one hand, and the practical issues of survival in the world, on the other, also exists <em>inside<\/em> the communes, since the communes proclaim the highest socialist ideals, but quite often their daily work will consist in solving problems such as those related to plumbing or garbage collection. Here, too, of course, managing this tension requires revolutionary leadership and the social base\u2019s ability to see the glorious future of all-around emancipation and meaningful abundance in the humblest daily activities, even if it is a distant goal. The coexistence of these two dimensions is part of any successful revolutionary project. To take two more or less aleatory examples, it was embodied in the Chinese People\u2019s Liberation Army, which fought fascism and the Japanese occupation while understanding its anti-fascist struggle as part of the broader communist project. It is also captured wonderfully in Fyodor Gladkov\u2019s socialist-realist novel <em>Cement <\/em>(1925): the task of building the communist future is presented quite literally as figuring out how to get a cement factory running again\u2014under gunfire from White Army forces and amid innumerable social and material difficulties.<\/p>\n<p>All of this is to say that the \u201ccomplete exit\u201d from market society\u2014not least because it will require defeating US imperialism in a worldwide battle\u2014is a distant goal. Getting there will not be an easy, short, or linear process. The challenge consists of holding the goal in sight, while building and <em>experiencing<\/em> parts of it in the present. That requires skillful and creative leadership, communicative skills, and human imagination. It is a challenge, but it can be done. We have examples of it in the past, as I was saying.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>How, in your view, can Arab societies (most of which do not have political processes at the level seen in Latin America) benefit from the grassroots popular resistance\u2014political, economic, and cultural\u2014embodied in the Venezuelan commune experience?<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>It is not for me to say, with regard to Arab societies, how they can benefit from the Venezuelan example of socialist communal construction, though I would point out that there has been a longstanding sharing of ideas between the Latin American region and the Arab countries, which goes on to this day. What I can say is that the strategic project of liberation from imperialism and initiating a march toward socialism has a universal character in our time, because the main enemy (the US-led imperialist system) and many of the essential structures of domination are the same everywhere. This means that what is learned in one context is almost sure to have relevance in another\u2014allowing, of course, for very important differences in terms of productive forces, history, political culture, traditions, and so on.<\/p>\n<p>However, I would like to point out that cultural and societal differences should not be exaggerated in the way that postmodern, post-structuralist thought has encouraged us to do. Moreover, there have been serious errors due to the undialectical way the same body of thought has encouraged us to conceive our differences. Recognizing the existence of difference does not negate the universal but rather confirms and expresses its validity. (Put another way: The universal does not express itself through the negation of difference\u2014to think so is to confuse the universal with the general or the homogeneous\u2014but rather it expresses itself <em>through<\/em> the particular and individual phenomenon <em>with<\/em> <em>its differences<\/em>). For example, acknowledging the particularity of our past and living Indigenous societies in Latin America, which often embody already-existing socialist practices, does not negate but rather confirms the validity of Marx\u2019s discoveries about the possibility of overcoming <em>value production<\/em> through free association of laborers and social property. In effect, we become more Marxist, more communist, not less Marxist and less communist, by recognizing and respecting the specific character of an Indigenous society. This is what the great Latin American Marxist thinker Jos\u00e9 Carlos Mari\u00e1tegui demonstrated, who showed how analyzing what was then called \u201cthe Indigenous question\u201d on the bases established by Indigenous peoples themselves would lead us to the most Marxist issue of all: the problem of the land (i.e. property relations). He also showed how the coming together of the modern socialist movement and the Indigenous peoples\u2019 struggle to maintain their <em>de facto<\/em> socialist land-use in Peru could make both movements stronger on their own respective terms.<\/p>\n<p>I would like to point out that the commune should not be converted into a fetish and a kind of socialist panacea for peoples and nations everywhere. In places where communal traditions exist, it may be relevant. However, there are many communal projects that proclaim socialist ideals or claim to be leftist but are neither useful for socialism nor are they anti-imperialist, which is the <em>sine qua non<\/em> of any valuable undertaking today. (The most explicit example of the communal form serving the nefarious purposes of imperialism and Zionism is the Israeli kibbutz, which is an instrument for robbing Palestinians of their land, but there are other examples of communal projects that are functional to imperialism in other parts of the world). Marx indeed saw value in many communal undertakings, but if you read Marx with any degree of rigor, you will be brought face to face with the fact that Marx did not \u201cdefend the commune in general\u201d without considerations of context and content, neither the Paris Commune nor the Russian rural commune. He realized that, to be viable, the communes needed to be part of a wider context, a revolution of national emancipation. In our time, that wider context is an anti-imperialist (and anti-Zionist) revolution of national liberation that will be conducted by a vanguard party or other class-based organization. The need to be part of that larger revolutionary project is what Marxism teaches us, and it is reflected in Ch\u00e1vez\u2019s thought. Ch\u00e1vez said, \u201cThe isolated commune is counterrevolutionary,\u201d and \u201cThe commune is a cell, but a cell needs a body.\u201d He also insisted on the need to build a <em>National<\/em> <em>Communal<\/em> <em>System<\/em>. (For more exploration of these ideas, see my recent article, \u201cSocialist Communes and Anti-Imperialism: The Marxist Approach,\u201d published in <em>Monthly Review<\/em> this summer.)<\/p>\n<p>Since I mentioned above the contribution of the emancipatory elements in Christianity to the Latin American revolutionary project, I want to say something about Islam, which is the dominant religion in the Arab countries. Of course, Islam, like most other religions also has many emancipatory and humanly-valuable elements, but its relevance to the revolutionary project of our times goes beyond these specific features. The most important thing is that, for the past few centuries, most Muslim-majority peoples have lived under forms of colonial or imperialist domination by Northern powers. As a result of this experience, the culture of Islam tends historically toward anti-colonial and anti-imperialist positions. An indirect confirmation of this is that when Islam becomes the official religion of a pro-colonial, pro-imperialist state such as Saudi Arabia, it produces numerous fractures, contradictions, and dissident movements. This reminds us that, because of basic historical and geographical trajectories, Islam is fundamentally a religion of the oppressed and dominated.<\/p>\n<p>Now, it would be profoundly absurd\u2014and in fact contrary to every sociological and historical principle consistent with Marxism\u2014to imagine that the culture and belief systems of the oppressed of the world are not revolutionary assets. Indeed, the two billion Muslims of the world are one of the main pillars of the global anti-imperialist struggle that defines our epoch.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Beginning in the summer of 2025, the U.S. carried out a massive military deployment in the Caribbean. There have been drone and missile attacks on fishing boats, involving the extrajudicial killing of more than 130 people, and multiple violent seizures of oil tankers carrying Venezuelan crude. These actions culminated in the bombing of Caracas on January 3 of this year and the illegal kidnapping of President Maduro and his wife, the national assembly member Cilia Flores. How do you understand these unprecedented attacks, and what do you think their medium- and long-term impact will be? You have mentioned the probable return of armed struggle as a form of resistance to this new kind of imperialist intervention. Beyond that, what other challenges do Venezuela and the countries in the region face in this new scenario?<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>I began this interview by pointing out the importance of considering January 3 within the historical continuum. In that same spirit, I want to point out that a correct, materialist perspective on the events of that day will recognize the <em>heavy conditioning <\/em>of US imperialism\u2019s actions both before and after it took the decision to do a Blitzkrieg attack on Venezuela and illegally kidnap President Nicol\u00e1s Maduro and first combatant Cilia Flores. On the one hand, the unity of the revolutionary bloc within Venezuela, the unbroken loyalty of the military, and the armed character of the people put real limits on what imperialism could do in this context. It meant that the United States was unable to do a classic ground invasion and also unable to do regime change through a coup d\u2019etat. For all of those reasons, the US opted for a tightening of the blockade by preventing oil tankers carrying Venezuelan crude from leaving the country, and it decided to kidnap the President.<\/p>\n<p>In fact, the closest historical precedent for the illegal kidnapping of President Maduro and Cilia Flores on January 3\u00a0 is the operation that murdered FARC leader Alfonso Cano in 2011 at the dawn of peace negotiations in Colombia, which left Timochenko (Rodrigo Londo\u00f1o) at the head of that anti-imperialist guerrilla movement to complete a negotiation process that was already under way. In that sense\u2014and looking once more at historical continuities\u2014it is worth pointing out that acting President Delcy Rodr\u00edguez\u2019s decisions after the January 3rd attack essentially follow the lines of the negotiation plan already laid out by Nicol\u00e1s Maduro. Prior to his kidnapping, Maduro had already foreseen a possible revision of the Hydrocarbon Law and a controlled opening to US oil interests. Notably, most oil experts do not predict a great change in the amount of oil being produced in Venezuela over the upcoming years, since prices are low and investors are not enthusiastic. As a result, promises of a \u201cnew boom\u201d that greatly benefits either the US or Venezuela is very unlikely.<\/p>\n<p>It is important to recognize that the new scenario following January 3 does involve a <em>tactical retreat<\/em> and significant challenges for the Bolivarian Revolution as well as for progressive forces in the region, most especially Cuba (whose revolution has been a socialist example and beacon of hope for revolutionaries around the world). The fact that the US will control Venezuela\u2019s oil sales in the near future indeed represents a blow to Venezuela\u2019s sovereignty in one specific area. What the Venezuelan government has done, I must emphasize again, should be considered a tactical retreat. It was wise to do so. Controlled retreats and compromises are an important part of any revolutionary playbook. However, it will be important for the Venezuelan revolution\u2014if it wishes to keep the retreat as a merely tactical one\u2014to continue its anti-imperialist political stance and assert sovereignty in other areas, while it prepares to recover full control of its oil production and commercialization at a future date.<\/p>\n<p>To maintain its strategic project in the difficult time that lies ahead, the Venezuelan revolution has some important assets. These include: 1. a powerful political party, the PSUV; 2. a loyal military that is allied with the people in what Ch\u00e1vez called \u201cthe civic-military alliance\u201d; and 3. improved control over the financial sector, which developed in response to the US blockade over the past decade. Over and above these three elements, Venezuela\u2019s most decisive revolutionary \u201casset\u201d\u2014in fact, the very essence of the revolution\u2014is the alliance between popular power and the revolutionary government. This must be maintained at all costs. Moreover, in the upcoming period, it will be the task of popular power, particularly as expressed in the communes, to maintain the highest socialist and anti-imperialist ideals of the revolution, just as the communal movement did during the blockade-induced crisis we experienced during the last decade. It will also fall upon this movement to attempt to maintain some of the more revolutionary international connections on a people-to-people, South-to-South basis that may not be so easy for the State to do now through overt diplomatic relations.<\/p>\n<p>In fact, this has already been happening, inasmuch as communal forces have been working diligently on campaigns for the return of President Maduro and have been working to maintain some of the internationalist ties, such as that with the revolutionary forces among the Colombian people. In the difficult time we face in the future, it is important to maintain the impressive unity of Venezuela\u2019s revolutionary forces, demonstrated both over the last decade and in the immediate responses to the January 3rd attack.\u00a0 That being said, within the unified revolutionary bloc in Venezuela, there have always coexisted tendencies that are more middle-class and technocratic, on the one hand, and others that are more working class and connected with the communes, on the other. The former have been strengthened over the past decade, because of policy decisions that were necessary to survive the imperialist blockade. Therefore, it will be important that the socialist-leaning forces of the revolution, especially those involved in the communes, demonstrate, by way of example\u2014as they did in the last decade\u2014their capacity and robustness in the economic, political, and cultural spheres.\u00a0 To be clear, this should not take the form of chest-beating and \u201ccritical\u201d discourses, but patient concrete work of commune-building and ideological and practical formation of the masses: that is, a range of efforts that show by way of example that the communal sector is the most solid, most trustworthy, and disciplined, and most anti-imperialist pillar of the revolution.<\/p>\n<p>One final observation. Fascism has advanced in the United States and actually seized power there, in a way that has become very explicit with Trump\u2019s second presidency. Meanwhile, a fascist and more explicitly colonialist imperialism\u2014MAGA imperialism\u2014has scored some real victories in the Latin American region through its recourse to more violent actions and open intervention.\u00a0 This can provoke despair in the left, particularly since the response from the anti-imperialist, anti-fascist forces in the region has so far been slow, disorganized, and not decisive enough. However, people on the left should be patient. Fascism typically wins the first battles, while the response of the most profound anti-fascist forces is necessarily slower to take shape. This is partly because anti-fascism must mobilize the peace-loving majorities of the world and partly because its methods of internal organization are more democratic. However, once this force awakens, its power and creativity are immense, and its capacity to crush the enemies of social progress and human emancipation is resounding.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>On January 3 of this year, the United States carried out an act of military aggression against Venezuela that included [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":6,"featured_media":147475,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[9583],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-147474","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-articles-en"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.8 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Interview with Chris Gilbert: Venezuela\u2019s Bolivarian Revolution as Part of\u00a0the Worldwide Struggle against US Imperialism - 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